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(20 pages)
Beth Vargas, Director (also researcher and writer)
Believe the Children Organization (BTC) Newsletters, POB 797, Cary, Illinois 60013
(208) 515 - 5432 (out-of-date address/phone as of 1997)
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Introduction
The Believe the Children (BTC) organization, founded and run by Beth Vargo, was one of the first national ritual abuse organizations to attempt to publicize satanic abuse of children and other individuals beginning in about 1989. At one point, BTC expanded, and had branches and offices in a few other U.S. cities. It published materials which were exceptionally well-written and researched for the time. In April, 1997, Vargo sponsored a daring and exciting conference in Chicago about ritual abuse, the participants were all well known, many of them on her BTC advisory board However, in May 1997, Vargo announced the organization’s closing as a result of a law suit which was filed against it. The law suit, as I understood it, was filed against she and Jerry Simandl (Chicago police officer/juvenile division) who both testified in court supporting the testimony of a child who claiming ritual abuse. After this time, Vargo closed all doors, shut down the organization. I assumed that she became the target of Intelligence agency abuses. Addresses and phone numbers for Vargo and BTC are no longer available. This editor does not know where Vargo is or how to contact her, any information in that regard would be appreciated. As far as MFHR is aware, BTC owns all copyrights to the articles in this series, aside from this introduction. Here is a list of some of the more salient newsletters with significant articles that Vargas wrote, edited and produced:
1) Vol. IX, 1992. Ritual Child Abuse in Europe. (B. Vargo)
2) Vol. XII, No. IV, Winter 1995. Ritual Child Abuse in Day Care: What Parents Should Know (B. Vargo)
3) Vol. XIII, No. III, Fall 1996. Ritualistic Child Abuse (S.L. Gillotte, Esq.)
4) Vol. XIII, No. II, Summer 1996. Radiation, Ritual Child Abuse, and the CIA (B. Vargo)
Judith ABR, 1997 (30 pages + there are three long articles included here)
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Radiation, Ritual Child Abuse and the C.I.A.
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by Beth Vargo
Volume XIII, Issue II, Summer 1996
On March 15, 1995, an event took place in our nation’s capitol that may provide some answers to questions about the motivation behind some cases of ritual child abuse. In an unpublicized session that was not covered by the media, New Orleans therapist, Valerie Wolf and two of her clients, Claudia Mullen and Chris Ebner (De Nicola), testified before the President’s Advisory Committee on Human Radiation Experiments. Mullen and Ebner testified that they were abused as children in government mind control projects. They described scenarios that are emblematic of ritual abuse accounts: rape, torture, electroshock, drugs, hypnosis, and death threats. Ebner’s written statement recounted crimes that mirror the disclosures reported by children abused in day care settings, such as being forced to stab dolls, being locked in a cage, being confined in a box and lowering into a grave, and being forced to eat and drink noxious substances.
Wolf and her clients were allowed to testify because several doctors accused of administering the mind control experiments had also been named by other Americans secretly exposed to radiation. Among those mentioned in the survivors’ testimonies are Dr. Sidney Gottlieb, who ran MKULTRA, a government mind-control project involving the use of LSD on unwitting military and civilian subjects from 1952 - 1962; Dr. L. Wilson Greene, Scientific Director of the Chemical Center; and Dr. Martin Orne, a member of the False Memory Syndrome Foundation’s Advisory Board, (Wolf, 1995).
SPONTANEOUS MEMORIES
Valerie Wolf, a therapist with over twenty years experience treating trauma victims and perpetrators, testified that her clients’ memories of government mind control experimentations emerged "spontaneously with free recall and without the use of any memory retrieval techniques such as hypnosis." Prior to the hearing, Wolf was contacted by almost 40 other therapists whose clients report consistent accounts of being used in government mind control projects. The therapists also noted similar medical problems among the survivors: "What was startling was that therapists reported many of these clients were also physically ill with autoimmune problems, thyroid problems, multiple sclerosis and other muscle and connective tissue diseases as well as mysterious ailments for which a diagnosis cannot be found...it is unclear if these physical disorders and symptoms were caused by radiation or drugs used in the experiments. Many people are afraid to tell their doctors their histories as mind control subjects for fear of being considered crazy." (Wolf, 1995).
Wolf urged the committee to recommend an investigation into mind control experiments conducted on children. Information obtained in the rehabilitation and treatment of survivors’ medical and psychological problems.
CLAUDIA’S STORY
Claudia Mullen testified that she became a subject of government mind control experimentations when she was seven years old. Adopted into a wealthy family as a toddler, she allegedly was abused by her mother and family friends before being subjected to mind control programs.
"In 1958, I was to be tested, they told me, by some important doctors coming from a place called the "Society" (the Human Ecology Society), [Editor’s note: According to investigative reporter Jon Rappaport, the Human Ecology Society was a C.I.A. front]. I was told to cooperate; answer any of their questions. Then, since the test "might hurt," I would be given shots, x-rays, and a few jolts of electricity. I was instructed not to look at anyone’s face too hard and to ignore names, as this was a very secret project..."
Mullen testified that she was subjected to chemicals, radiation, drugs, hypnosis, electric shock, isolation in tubs of water, sleep deprivation, brainwashing, and verbal, physical, emotional and sexual abuse. She expressed a belief that she was being groomed for use as a sex agent to blackmail prominent politicians and others in positions of power:
"I was sent to a place in Maryland called Deep Creek Cabins to learn how to sexually please men. Also, I was taught how to coerce them into talking about themselves...as only 9 when this kind of sexual humiliation began." (Mullen, 1995).
According to Alan Scheflin, Professor of Law at Santa Clara University Law School and an expert on mind control, some of the information Claudia Mullen has provided in "absolutely true and could not have been derived from any published source." (Wolf, 1995).
Mullen told the committee that she is unable to work or bear children due to the cumulative effect of exposure to radiation, chemicals, drugs, torture and the mental and physical distress she suffers as a result.
CHRIS TESTIFIES
Chris Ebner testified that she was subjected to mind control, drug and radiation experiments from 1966 - 1976. After her parents divorced, her father introduced her to doctors who used trauma, drugs and post-hypnotic suggestion in an effort to gain control of her mind. Ebner believes she was used in radiation experiments both for the purpose of determining the effects of radiation on various parts of the body and to terrorize her as an additional trauma in the mind control experiments. Her earliest memory took place when she was four years old.
"I was in what looked like a laboratory and there seemed to be other children. I was strapped down naked, spread eagle, on a table on my back. Dr. Greene had electrodes on my body, including my heard. He used what looked like an overhead projector and repeatedly said he was burning different images into my brain while a red light flashed aimed at my forehead. In between each sequence he used electric shock on my body and told me to go deeper and deeper while repeating each image would go deeper and in my brain, and I would do whatever he told me to do. I felt drugged because he had given me a shot before he started the procedure. When it was over, he gave me another shot. The next thing I remember I was with my grandmother again in Tucson, Arizona."
She believed the purpose of the torture techniques was to gain total control over her mind and body, and to split her mind into as many parts as possible so that she could be programmed to act as a government spy-assassin. Torture techniques were used to ensure that she would never talk about what was happening. In her written statement, Ebner describes threats make to kill her, her mother and her dog if she talked about the abuse. Despite the death threats, Ebner became increasingly less cooperative as she grew older.
"Dr. Greene moved on to wanting me to kill dolls that looked like real children. I stabbed a doll with a spear once after being severely tortured, but the next time I refused. He used many torture techniques, but as I got older, I resisted more and more." Ebner believes Dr. Greene eventually gave up on training her to become a government operative. Instead, he reversed the spy/assassin messages so she would become self-destructive, suicidal and resistant to therapy. (DeNicola, 1995).
SUPER-AGENTS
Published sources indicate that children have been used in C.I.A. programs for over 40 years, and the programs may still be operating today. The purpose of the programs is to control the minds of the children, "ostensibly to create super-agents who wouldn’t remember even what missions they carried out because of hypnotically-induced amnesia." (Rappoport, 1995).
In a letter to Valerie Wolf that was included in her written statement to the committee, psychiatrist Colin Ross affirms that experiments have been performed on child subjects;
"Published articles in my files include descriptions of administrative of 150 mg of LSD to children age 5- 10 years on a daily basis for days, weeks, months, and in a few cases even years. Neurosurgeons at Tulane, Yale, and Harvard did extensive research on brain electrode implants with intelligence funding, and combined brain implants with large numbers of drugs including hallucinogens." (Wolf, 1995).
Some reports suggest that C.I.A. programmers used satanic trappings and paraphernalia to terrorize the children and to discredit their stories. (Rappaport, 1995) Some survivors allege that their families were practicing satanists who "sold" them to the C.I.A. Dissociative disorders previously developed as a result of incest and ritual abuse made children from cult families especially valuable to the C.I.A. programmers because they were already vulnerable and could be more easily controlled and manipulated.
Like Claudia Mullen, some survivors describe being used as sex slaves for coercive purposes. For instance, Starshine, a fictionalized account, tells the story of a government mind control survivor who was programmed to have sex with celebrities and government officials, including U.S. presidents (Taylor, 1995).
Many survivors, including Claudia Mullen and Chris Ebner, report being programmed and abused by "Dr. Greene." Experts who have researched C.I.A. mind control projects believe "Dr. Greene" may have been used as a cover name by a number of individuals (Rappaport, 1995).
FINDERS, KEEPERS
A recent case establishes a direct link between a ritual child abuse investigation and the C.I.A. In 1987, six hungry children were discovered playing in a park in Tallahassee, Florida. Two men claiming to be the children’s guardians were arrested on child neglect charges. The men said they were taking the children by van to attend a school in Mexico for gifted students. The children, who ranged in age from 2 - 6 years old, said they had not seen their mothers for several months (Poughkeepsie Journal, 1987). A spokesperson for the Tallahassee Police Department said medical exams showed that more than one child had been sexually abused. (Cawley, 1987).
Evidence found in the van linked the travelers to a District of Columbia-based commune known as "The Finders." A police search of a home and warehouse in Washington, D.C. resulted in the seizure of "several bags of evidence reportedly containing photographs, computer records and other documents." (Cawley, 1987). A customs agent investigating the case noted that the documents "revealed detailed instructions for obtaining children for unspecified purposes." (Tamarkin, 1994). In an article published in *Treating Abuse Today,* investigative reporter Civia Tamarkin describes the evidence confiscated in the raids:
"One telex specifically ordered the purchase of two children in Hong Kong. Other files refereed to The Finders activities and members in foreign countries. And there was a large amount of data collected on various child care organizations...In one area of the warehouse, according to the investigators’ report, there appeared to be an altar, jars of urine and feces were located nearby. The search warrants also turned up nude photos of children with their genital areas accented and "on display." An album contained a series of photos of adults and children dressed in white sheets and participating in the execution, disembowelment, skinning and dismemberment of goats. One photo showed the testes of a male goat being removed. Another showed a crying child looking at a decapitated goat. In fact, the goat’s head and goat skins were removed by Virginia state police during a search of a farm belonging to The Finders’ group." (Tamarkin, 1994).
What began as an investigation into suspected trafficking in children, child pornography and satanic ritual abuse ended in an official whitewash. Washington metropolitan police issued a statement saying that they had found no evidence of criminal or satanic activity. Health officials in Florida reversed earlier findings and said they found no evidence of sexual abuse. A spokesperson for the F.B.I.’s Washington field office said the F.B.I. investigation was "pretty well winding down.." At this point we have not uncovered any evidence of federal violations. (Cawley, 1987). Tamarkin described the official suppression of evidence that transpired:
"The U.S. Customs agent urged a full scale inquiry into the possibly procurement and smuggling of children for pornography production. His suspicions were further aroused when he discovered that one of the confiscated computer disks contained the names of C.I.A. staffers from C.I.A. headquarters in Langley, Virginia. But his superiors ordered him to terminate further investigation. Later, he was advised that the investigation into the activity of The Finders had become a C.I.A. internal matter. According to an internal customs memo I have obtained, the C.I.A. turned the matter over to the Foreign Counter Intelligence Agency within the F.B.I And all reports regarding Finders were classified "Secret."" (Tamarkin, 1994).
"They dropped this case," said a Tallahassee investigator, "like a hot rock." (Witkin, 1993)
In 1993, the U.S. Justice Department began an investigation into The Finders group and the 1987 probe to determine whether the investigation was improperly handled. (Witkin, 1993). Representative Tom Lewis, a Republican from Florida, gave voice to the questions that remain unanswered:
"Could our own government have something to do with this Finders organization and turned their backs on these children? That’s what all the evidence points to. And there’s a lot of evidence. I can tell you this: We’ve got a lot of people scrambling, and that wouldn’t be happening if there was nothing here." (Witkin, 1993).
The Final Report of the Advisory Committee on Human Radiation Experiments recommended "that all records of the CIA hearing on programs of secret human research, such as MKULTRA and the related CIA human behavior projects from the late 1940s through the early 1970s...become a top priority for the declassification review with the expectation that most, if not all, of these documents can be declassified and made available to the public...So long as documents about secret human experiments are withheld from the public, it will be impossible to put to rest distrust with the conduce of government. The rapid, public release of the remaining documents about MKULTRA and other secret programs would be a fitting close to an unhappy chapter in the nation’s history." (Final Report, 1995)
Eventually, the secret files will be declassified and released to the American public. It will be interesting to discover what those files reveal and what relationships, if any, exists between information contained in those files and contemporary reports of ritual child abuse occurring in day care centers and elsewhere.
SOURCES:
Cawley, Janet. 1987. "2 Cult Children Show Signs of Sex Abuse." Chicago Tribune, February 9.
Cawley, Janet. 1987. "F.B.I. Dropping Investigation of Washington Commune." Chicago Tribune.
Ebner, [DeNicola] Chris. 1995. "Statement to Presidential Committee on Radiation." March 15.
"Final Report of the Advisory Committee on Human Radiation Experiments." Stock# 061-000-00-848-9, U.S. Government Printing Office. (202) 512-1800.
Mullen, Claudia S. 1995. "Statement to Presidential Report on Radiation." March 15.
Rappoport, Jon. 1995. "CIA Experiments with Mind Control on Children." Perceptions, September/Oct, pp. 56 - 59.
"Satanic Cult Feared in Child Abuse Arrests." 1987. Poughkeepsie Journal, February 7.
Tamarkin, Civia. 1994. "Investigative Issues in Ritual Abuse Cases, Part II." Treating Abuse Today, 4 (5), pp. 5-9.
Taylor, Brice. 1995. Starshine, One Woman’s Valiant Escape From Mind Control. Carbondale, ILL: Brice Taylor Trust, POB 2474, 62902.
Witkin, Gordon and Cary, Peter. 1993. "Through A Glass, Very Darkly." U.S. News and World Report, December 27, p. 30.
Wolf, Valerie. 1995. "Statement to Presidential Commission on Radiation Committee." March 15. (psychotherapist).
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Ritual Child Abuse in Europe
Vargo, Beth. [president, Illinois Chapter of BTC] "Ritual Abuse in Europe." 1992. Believe the Children Newsletter, Volume IX.
(nine pages)
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Ritual crimes against children have been reported in many states and provinces across the United States and Canada. Similar cases have surfaced in Europe, notably in England and the Netherlands, where the children’s disclosures have been discounted by authorities who assume ritual crime is an American problem. In the words of a prosecutor from Oude Pekela, Netherlands, where ritual abuse was described by 62 children, "Just because it happens in the States, doesn’t mean that it happens here." (1)
HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE
Denial by European investigators reveals a lack of historical perspective: the root of ritual abuse can be traced back to Europe prior to the discovery of the New World. Reports of human sacrifice and cannibalism date back to second century Rome and pre-Christian Greek Eleusian Mysteries, (2) and the roots of satanic rituals -- the worship of Satan in the form of the Baphomet -- can be traced back to the Knights Templar founded in the twelfth century by a group of French Crusaders. The confessions of the Gilles de Rais, a French aristocrat born in 1404 are strikingly similar to accounts currently begin given by children and adult survivors. Gilles de Rais confessed to sexually abusing and murdering over 800 children, sexually assaulting the children’s mutilated corpses, and destroying the evidence by burning the bodies.
The wife of King Henry II of France, Catherine de Medici (1519-1589), offered child sacrifices to appease the Devil, supposedly with the intention of curing her son, Phillip, from a chronic disease. A Parisian nun, Sister Magdelaine Bavent, described participating in a ceremony where the body of a child was consumed as a perversion of the Lord’s Supper. Bavent died in an Ursuline convent in Rouen, France, in 1647. Another female perpetrator, Catherine Deshayes, also known as "La Voisin," or "the widow," admitted that she had participated in the ritual deaths of more than 2,500 fetuses and infants. Deshayes’ twenty-one-year-old daughter, Marie, described the satanic rituals involving the "drinking of blood and urine, animal sacrifice, orgies involving adults and children, child sacrifice, chanting and blaspheming in the name of Satan..." A police raid of Deshayes’ house in 1680 found ovens exactly as Marie had described, with forensic evidence indicating they had been used to burn the victim’s bodies." (3)
About a hundred years later the Marquis de Sade, a French aristocrat, detailed perverted activities involving children in his pornographic book, "The One Hundred Days of Sodom." The autobiographical account, written in the Bastille in 1789 and first published in Vienna in 1904, describes carefully orchestrated scenarios that include "locking in cages, death threats, burying in coffins, holding under water, threatening with weapons, drugging and bleeding, lying upside-down and burning, wearing of robes and costumes, staging of mock marriages, defecating an urinating on victims, killing of animals, having victims witness torture, having them witness homicides, pouring and drinking blood and taking victims to churches and cemeteries." (4)
In 18th century England, Sir Francis Dashwood and other members of the aristocracy founded a group called the Hell-Fire Club. Historical documents indicate that the group practiced ceremonies that included a Black Mass liturgy and sexual orgies involved juveniles. Another secret society, the Hermetic Order of the Golden Dawn, flourished in England during the last 19th century. One of the founding members was Aleister Crowley, self-described satanist, whose dictum, "Do what thou wilt shall be the whole of the law," became the credo for modern satanism. Crowley’s sex-magic "workings" involved ritual sodomy within a pentagram, bondage with chains, consumption of blood and feces, chanting in an occultic language called "Enochian." and widespread use of drugs. In the manifesto, Magick in Theory and Practice, Crowley describes the release of magical forces through human sacrifice:
"For the highest spiritual working one must accordingly choose that victim which contains the greatest and purest force. A male child of perfect innocence and high intelligence is the most satisfactory and suitable victim."
In 1912, Crowley joined a Berlin-based secret society, Ordo Templi Orientis (OTO), that utilized Freemasonic "grades’ and "degrees" and claimed to be directly descended from the Knights Templar. Today, the OTO is reputed to be the most pervasive of all international satanic organizations. (5)
RECENT CASES OF RITUAL CHILD ABUSE IN ENGLAND
Nottingham -- Twenty-five children from an extended family in the impoverished estate of Broxtowe were taken into foster care following disclosures of incest and ritual child abuse. In February, 1989, nine adults -- eight of them from the same family -- were sentenced for up to 10 years in prison after pleading guilty to 53 charges of incest, cruelty and indecent assault. The patriarch of the family -- the children’s grandfather -- had been incarcerated in 1975 for sexually abusing his daughters.
In an article in "New Statesman & Society," Judith Dawson, leader of a team of social workers who investigated the case, wrote of the children’s disclosures:
"These children, living in what the trial judge described as a "vortex of evil," had been born into a culture of multigenerational abuse. Their homes and families were meeting places for pedophiles of both sexes. They described how they were passed around adults, abused and tortured, sometimes daily, and how they were forced to watch the same things happening to siblings and cousins. They were starved, physically injured and humiliated.
"We do not know for certain what these children experienced. We do know that the abuse was so horrific, and that they were so terrorized, that the effects on them were like those reported by victims of torture. All who met with the children testified to a level of fear they had never encountered before. Their accounts built up a clear picture of children being abused for the gratification of adults interested not in sex itself, but in its use as a tool for the promotion of ritualistic acts. They say that they were made to stand in circles, being orally and anally penetrated by adults in strange costumes, that they were forced to eat excreta and to drink blood from animals, that animals and human babies were killed before their eyes. We do not know if these events all took place, but we do know that the children believe they did, and are able to describe them in the most minute detail." (6)
Three adult witnesses -- who had not been charged -- came forward to corroborate the children’s accounts, admitting that they had been coerced into taking part in the rituals themselves. When the abusers were arrested, police found a photograph showing a waxen doll or "poppet" between a woman’s naked thighs. The police, however, dismissed the children’s references to "poppets," or images used to cast a curse by proxy, as being references to "puppies": we know that some of the kids probably saw a dog give birth to pups in the house and these were either buried or drowned."
Another clue the police failed to investigate was the children’s claim that they had been taken through tunnels to expensive homes where they were abused. Using information furnished by children and adult witnesses, Dawson and a colleague located a tunnel beneath a museum that was closed to the public. A search of records at the Mining Records office revealed that plexus of mining tunnels, some dating back to the 16th century, runs beneath an affluent Nottingham neighborhood. (7)
Conflict between Dawson’s agency and the police arose when detectives refused to investigate children’s allegations that adults outside the family had been involved in the abuse. Like others who have borne a message no one wants to hear, Judith Dawson was censured and ridiculed for her efforts to bring ritualistic elements of the crime to public scrutiny. "We too have felt betrayed, and have learned like the children, what it feels like not to be believed." (8)
SOUTH LONDON -- In August, 1988, two children, ages three and two, began making disclosures of ritual abuse to their mother. The children stated that their father, who was in jail for assaulting their mother during her pregnancy with a third child, had subjected them to bizarre acts of sexual abuse. A ring of adults in the neighborhood -- some living only a few houses away -- were alleged to have participated in sadistic rituals that included sexual abuse within a circle drawn on the ground, penetration within a crucifix, and live snakes, bondage to an upside down cross, burial in a box, chanting, pornography, drugging, bestiality, sacrifice of vagrants, cannibalism, and burning bodies in large ovens. A medical examination of the girl determined that her vagina and anus had "evidence compatible with, but not conclusive of sexual abuse." The boy’s exam was more specific: "evidence compatible with penile penetration of the anus was documented." The medical evidence might have been more conclusive had social services not delayed arranging the exam until three weeks after the children’s allegations were reported."
Despite the presence of medical indicators and consistent disclosures from the children, the official in charge of the case concluded that the mother had fabricated the charges, citing her criminal record for petty theft and marijuana possession. The children had never named their mother as a perpetrator; nevertheless, she was officially listed as a suspect. All three of the children were made wards of the court. Their father has petitioned for custody.
WEST MIDLANDS -- In the middle-class suburb of West Midlands, another mother listened to disturbing tales from her two children. The parents were in the process of getting a divorce when the four-year-old girl complained that her father had hurt her vagina. A medical examination detected evidence of the inflammation in the girl’s vaginal passage. Her six-year-old brother disclosed that he, too, had been sexually abused. But this was not a "routine" molestation. By March, 1989, the children were describing abuse involving multiple perpetrators who wore masks, threatened them with knives, tortured them in dark cellars, locked them in cages, sacrificed animals, burned a child on the cross, and mutilated the bodies of their victims. They talked about a "leopard man," a perpetrator disguised as an animal, an allegation that also had been reported by the children in South London. West Midlands authorities refused to investigate, concluding that not enough medical evidence existed to warrant the expense and that the mother had prompted the children by asking leading questions. The children’s father is suing for custody and unsupervised visitation.
SUSSEX -- A few days before Christmas, 1987, a thirteen year-old girl fled from her father’s home and moved in with her mother. Since her parent’s divorce during her infancy, the girl had been raised by her father and paternal grandmother in a comfortable house in southeast London. Her mother described the disclosure process:
"She was in a very distressed state to being with. First she old me just about the abuse, even though that was by quite a few people. But then I started getting hints of something more, and I started asking questions about who was where at what point. In the finish she said to me that all this had been done in some sort of rite, in the name of Lucifer. After that it got even more painful.
"She’s told me of bestial acts with many children being abused in orgy-type rituals. There were sacrifices of animals and people -- children mainly -- to Lucifer. The rituals involved the eating and drinking of human excrement, drinking blood and eating flesh after the person had been sacrificed. All this was done in Lucifer’s name. "
In addition, the teenager mentioned satanic symbolism, such as, pentagrams, a goat’s head, altars, and perpetrators dressed in black robes and hoods. Like the children from West Midlands, she referred to children in cages; like the children in South London, she described seeing bodies burned in large ovens that resembled potters’ kilns. Her most traumatic disclosure, however, involved forced abortion -- she believed she had been impregnated during a ritual rape -- and the subsequent dismemberment and consumption of the fetus. A medical examination confirmed that the thirteen-year-old girl had been sexually abused and had been aborted on at least one occasion. In a "blind test" arranged by the police, the girl was shown as assortment of medical instruments and asked if she recognized any. She selected only those used to perform abortions.
On the weight of the girl’s testimony and the corroborative statements of a younger child victim, eight adults were arrested: seven male defendants were charged with aiding and abetting rape and procuring an illegal abortion. Police believed the teenager’s ritual abuse allegations were based upon actual experiences, but prosecutor’s asked that she censor her testimony, making no reference to rituals, murders, cannibalism or satanic worship. Her mother described the ethical dilemma posed by the prosecution’s demand:
"They seemed to want an expurgated version of what Natalie told me, they had no way of coping with all the detail. They were very frightened that all the ritual stuff, all the evidence of satanism, would prejudice the jury.
"And yet, throughout all the hearings Natalie was made to go into the witness box and swear an oath to tell the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth. All the time the lawyers stressed how important it was that she understand what truth is -- fair enough, they have to be sure of that. But then she was not allowed to tell the truth."
The prosecution’s case unraveled when the girl’s school counselor handed police a notebook in which the teenager had recorded her memories. Under rules of evidence, the prosecution was required to turn the notebook over to the defense. Rather they allow the ritual abuse allegations to be entered into evidence, prosecutors decided to drop all the charges against the eight defendants. The Crown Prosecution Service concluded that the girl’s "credibility was so damaged by this new evidence that it would not be proper for the prosecution to seek to rely upon her evidence."
Although the ordeal of testifying in court was a prospect she dreaded, the teenage girl was prepared to do her duty, "I’m going to tell the truth," she said. "It’s important, not just for me, but for the other kids who were abused there, and for those I left behind." Unfortunately, she never had a chance to be heard.
ROCHDALE -- In the sprawling mill-town of Rochdale, a teacher comforted a six-year-old boy found cowering in a cupboard at school. He told his teacher of ceremonies where he was locked in a cage, graves were disinterred, crosses were burned, and animals and infants were killed by adults wearing hooded white robes. During the spring and summer of 1990, the boy and sixteen other children from four families were taken into protective care.
Like Judith Dawson and her colleagues in Nottingham, professionals involved in the Rochdale investigation soon became the targets of a media-fueled witch hunt. In an interview published in "The Mail on Sunday," the six-year-old boy’s mother insisted that her son’s ritual abuse disclosures had been inspired by watching horror movies. The "video nasties," she said she allowed her son to watch, "The Evil and the Dead, Dungeons and Dragons," and "The Boy Who Could Fly," might be considered unsuitable for children, but did not contain any of the details the child had reported to authorities. The backlash was further fueled by Rosie Waterhouse’s article, "The Making of a Satanic Myth," published in the "Independent Sunday." Waterhouse speculated, "that there had never been a proven case of ritual abuse; that the phenomenon was entirely the work of fundamental Christians who had imported bad research from the United States, which had undergone a similar witch hunt; and that the sole starting point of every story was the publication of "Michelle Remembers" in 1980 (9). England’s National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children having defined ritual child abuse in its annual report, (10) became the focus of a smear campaign. Waterhouse alleged that social workers had been brainwashed by attending ritual abuse seminars. (11)
Undaunted, Judith Dawson likened the backlash to an insidious contagion:
"This contagion takes the comforting form of a skeptical and rational enquiry, and its message is comforting too. It is designed to protect "innocent family life" against a new urban myth of the satanic abuse of children inspired by evangelic fundamentalists. Social workers are depicted at once as all powerful professional zealots who brainwash children into evil fantasies, and as credulous dupes who will believe ridiculous tales of witches, wizards and inquisitional tortures." (12)
Gordon Littlemore, director of Rochdale’s social services department, defended his staff’s decision to remove the children from their homes:
"We haven’t been over-zealous. We didn’t go looking for theses cases -- they came to us and what we want to do is protect the children.
"What the children are telling us is that they have experienced various acts of violence. We are dealing with allegations of emotional abuse, degradation, humiliation and the administration of drugs.
"It is the view of the social services and the police that the abuse the children describe is real and not the product of their imaginations, fueled by watching video horror films."
Community leaders, however, were more interested in protecting the parents’ right. Judith Cousins, an activist for Parents Against Injustice (PAIN), told reporters, "The parents themselves felt that they have been abused. They feel alienated, powerless and traumatized," A local council member, Peter Thomas, blasted the investigation as a "catalog of lies and untruths." Thomas was acquainted with the children’s families and considered it "monumentally absurd...to conceive that this particular group of people had been involved in some kind of pagan worship." Tensions between investigators and the community became so heated that social workers would venture into the area only with a police escort. (13) Refusing to speak to anyone whose views opposed her supposition, Waterhouse summed up her "research" by making an unfounded charge of her own:
"There have been police investigators across the United States, in Canada, the Netherlands, and now in Britain. They have produced no evidence. No bodies, no bones, no covens, no underground tunnels, no animal carcasses, no bloodstains. Nothing."(14)
Apparently, Waterhouse was not aware of the tunnels beneath Nottingham, nor of the crosses and pentagrams etched on their walls. (15) In March, 1991, a judge ordered all but four of the seventeen children returned to their parents. (16)
A RECENT CASE OF RITUAL ABUSE IN THE NETHERLANDS
OUDE PEKELA -- In May, 1987, a four-year-old boy suffering from anal bleeding was brought by his mother to the community health clinic. Suspecting that the child had been molested, Dr. Fred Jonker questioned the boy, who disclosed that several adults had poked sticks up his rectum. The little boy named another child he said had been victimized in similar fashion. By the first week of the investigation, as many as twenty-five preschool-aged children had been identified by other children as possible victims. Later, as more victims were identified, older children up to age eleven came forward. Of 98 children interviewed, 48 gave clear statements of sexual abuse, and 62 provided "usable information."
The abuse was estimated to have started in August, 1986, and to have escalated during the Easter holiday in April, 1987. The children described being lured or abducted into buildings, often under the influence of drugs which had been hidden in candy, lemonade and ice cream, or administered in the form of pills, injections or black balloons held over their mouths. Once inside the buildings, adults ordered the children to undress and perform sex acts. Sexual assaults were videotaped and shown to the children to lessen their inhibitions. (17) The perpetrators, who sometimes dressed as clowns and sometimes made the children wear long white robes, chanted in a strange language and moved around the children in a circular dance. (18)
Allegations made by the children were typical of those made by children in the United States, Canada and England: they referred to being urinated and defecated upon and forced to consume bodily wastes being locked in cages, tied to poles and whipped with leather belts; being held under water; being penetrated with objects such as twigs and plastic toys; and being forced to participate in the killing of animals, infants and children. Like the children of South London and West Midlands, who reported seeing a "leopard man," the children of Oude Pekela had been terrorized by lions, bears and crocodiles. The younger children were convinced that the animals were real, but older children had noticed zippers on the lion’s paws and understood that the "lions" were adults wearing animal skins. Scare tactics reported in numerous other cases were utilized to ensure silence; a kitten was killed with a circular saw in front of the children, who were told that they would be killed, their parents would be killed, and their houses set on fire if they talked about what was happening. (19)
At first Dr. Jonker did not believe the children’s stories:
"We were not aware of satanic rituals during the initial stages. We heard so many things from the children that we could not understand that we ascribed them to the children’s fantasies.
"Only after receiving a series of anonymous phone calls from adults who identified themselves as survivors did Dr. Jonker become aware of the connection to satanic rituals. By that time, the children’s disclosures had already been dismissed as fabrications. (20)
Initially, seventeen police officers were assigned to the case but that number was quickly reduced. Only a few members of the team had any experience interviewing children. Not all of the children thought to be involved were interviewed, and the Justice Department did not call in a child psychiatrist to assist after six weeks into the investigation. (21) Public denial by the authorities led to media speculation of mass hysteria. Like their counterparts in Rochdale, journalists in Oude Pekela focused on mass hysteria rather than on the issue of child sexual abuse, only this time, parents rather than professionals were depicted as the fanatical porno-hunters. Waterhouse’s assumption that therapists had been influenced by "bad research" disseminated at ritual abuse seminars could not apply in Oude Pekela. Dr. Jonker and others close to the investigation had no prior knowledge of ritual abuse.
In an effort to put children’s disclosures into clinical perspective, Dr. Jonker and his wife, also a general practitioner, surveyed the parents of ninety alleged victims. In 17 cases the parents could not recall seeing any physical signs of abuse during the time of the alleged rituals. Other parents, however, did in retrospect recall symptoms: 34 children had displayed an unusual degree of bruising in abnormal areas; 22 had inflamed genitals; 21 experienced pain when urinating; and 18 complained of painful bowel movements. (22) Other symptoms included an inflamed anal area and stained underwear. In addition, behavioral indicators were documented, such as, age inappropriate sexualization, sleep disturbances, enuresis, withdrawal, anxiety and aggression. (23) Dr. Jonker and his wife became convinced that ritual abuse had occurred:
"In our opinion, sexual abuse of children took place on a large scale in Oude Pekela. This abuse was not limited to physical contact: a number of children were victims of ritual abuse. Our conviction is based upon the spontaneity with which the stories were told by the children and on the behavioral techniques we used. We took into account the nature of the data we acquired from potentially unstable or suggestible parents and the possibility of fake stories."
At first skeptical of the children’s clams, the child psychiatrist sent to investigate also came to believe the children’s accounts were true. Privately, the police admitted that they were convinced that 32 children definitely had been abused and suspected that 25 others might have been victimized. (24) Two suspects were arrested in January, 1988, but were soon released and were never prosecuted. (25) The Oude Pekela case was officially dismissed as mass hysteria.
CONCLUSION
It can not be coincidental that children on both sides of the Atlantic, separated by 3,000 miles, describe being abused in the context of rituals. Details given by European victims are remarkably similar to those reported by children and adult survivors in the United States and Canada. On both continents effort to protect and advocate for the children have been hampered by the backlash; professionals have been polarized into two factions -- believers and disbelievers; (26) the media has responded with speculation and sensationalism; and communities have rallied in support of the accused rather than the children.
For the sake of the children, we much continue our struggle to promote research, increase public and professional awareness of ritual crime, and disseminate information in a manner that avoids exploitation and sensationalism.
ENDNOTES
1. Jonker, R. and Jonker-Bakker, P. 1991. "Experiences with Ritualistic Child Sexual Abuse: A Case Study From the Netherlands." Child Abuse and Neglect, 15, p. 194.
2. Hill, Sally and Goodwin, Jean M. 1989. "Satanism: Similarities Between Patient Accounts and Pre-Inquisition Historical Sources." Dissociation, 2. pp. 40-43.
3. Tate, Tim. 1991. "Children for the Devil: Ritual Abuse and Satanic Crime." London: Methuen. pp. 59 - 88.
4. Goodwin, Jean M. 1991. "Human Vectors of Trauma: Illustrations From the Marquis de Sade." Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Academy of Psychoanalysis in New Orleans, LA, May. p. 10
5. Tate, pp 83, 91-102.
6. Dawson, Judith. 1990. "Vortex of Evil." New Statesman and Society, October 5, pp. 12-13.
7. Tate, pp 307-311.
8. Dawson, p. 14.
9. Tate, pp. 28-32, 31-35, 53-55, 206-207, 216, 218-225, 331-335.
10. Raphael, Arnold. 1990. "Horrific Revelations of Children’s Abuse." Sunday Standard, Nairobi, Kenya, March 18, p. 6.
11. Tate, p. 334.
12. Dawson, p. 12.
13. Baker, Sue. 1990. "Questioning Satanism in England." The Japan Times, November 15, p. 18.
14. Tate, pp. 333-334.
15. Baker, p. 18
16. Tate, pp.336-337.
17. Jonker, pp. 191-193.
18. Tate, p. 235.
19. Jonker, pp. 192-195.
20. Tate, pp. 36, 39.
21. Jonker, pp. 191-193.
22. Tate, pp. 234-237.
23. Jonker, p. 194.
24. Tate, p. 237-238.
25. Jonker, p. 193.
26. Jones, David P.H. 1991 "Ritualism and Child Sexual Abuse." Child Abuse and Neglect, 15, pp. 163-170.
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Ritualistic Child Abuse
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Gillotte, Sylvia Lynn., Esq. "Ritualistic Child Abuse." 1996. BTC Newsletter, Volume XIII, Issue III, Fall.
(11 pages)
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DEFINITION AND COMMON ELEMENTS
Ritual abuse is an extremely sadistic form of child abuse and neglect. Although accounts of such abuse date back several centuries (1). It is a phenomenon which has only recently been widely publicized and recognized. Modern revelations concerning the existence of ritual abuse have coincided with our increased awareness of child abuse in general, and the recognition of multiple personality and dissociative disorders by the medical and therapeutic communities.
Because of the nature of the abuse, the diversity of the perpetrators, and the many manifestations which "ritual crime" can take, defining ritual abuse is not an easy task and has been the subject of controversy. (2) A report by the Los Angeles Country Commission for Women, Ritual Abuse Task Force, defined it as "...a brutal form of abuse...consisting of physical, sexual, and psychological abuse, and involved in the use of rituals." (3) It is perhaps more helpful to move beyond definitions, and to identify some common elements which distinguish ritual abuse from other forms of child abuse. Generally, most cases involved ritualistic child abuse include the following elements:
1. Multiple victims.
2. Multiple perpetrators.
3. The use of ritual in connection with:
a. Severe physical abuse and deprivation, and
b. Sadistic and painful sexual abuse
4. The use of drugs and/or mind control techniques for the purpose of indoctrination, domination, and as a deterrent to disclosure.
GENERAL CATEGORIES
As this Resource Manual focuses on the representation of children in family court, it is important to distinguish the terms, "ritual abuse" and "ritual crime." Ritual crime is a criminal activity which includes the use of ritual symbols and/or paraphernalia, but does not necessarily involved the abuse of children. Ritual child abuse, on the other hand, could be a sub-category of ritual crime, the focus of which is the deliberate exploitation, programming, and abuse of children. Participants in ritual crime may act individually, but usually operate in a group setting. Most groups, also referred to as cults, could be said to fall into one of several generally recognized categories:
1. Dabbler
2. Self--styled
3. Organized Cults
Individuals who fall into the first two categories above -- "dabbler and "self-styled" -- are rarely the subject of a family court action and are therefore not the focus of this article. In family court, you will most likely be dealing with individuals from category three: specifically, organized cults who are trans-generational in nature. It is helpful, however, to understand some distinctions between the various categories.
As a general rule, "dabblers" are young adults who, either in group or alone, "dabble" in the use of ritual symbols in connection with certain crimes such as trespassing, theft, vandalism, the defacing of property, and sometimes animal mutilations and sacrifice. These young people may or may not be drawn into the more criminal level of activity engaged in by others. Groups of individuals that fall into the "self-styled" category are generally more organized, visibly operate as a unit, and may openly recruit new members. Their criminal activity is far more serious and sadistic and can include kidnapping, rape murder, and torture; however, their victims are usually adults rather than children. Certain gangs, neo-Nazis groups, and biker groups could be said to fall into this category. One of the most notorious "self-styled" cult leaders was Charles Manson.
Those in the "dabbler" or "self-styled" categories almost always leave behind evidence of their criminal activity. In fact, the crime is often intended to make a "statement" to the authorities or society. There is no attempt to cover up the crime -- only the clues which might lead to the conviction of a specific individual or group. Because there is usually evidence on which to base an investigation, prosecutions of ritual crime in the United States and elsewhere have involved these first two categories.
"Organized cults," (4) on the other hand, are highly secretive and go to extraordinary lengths to hide their criminal activity. The size and location of an organized cult may vary considerably, ranging from a few members in one general location, to hundreds of members located in different parts of the world. By necessity, the larger the group, the more organized and dangerous the cult.
Though organized cults may or may not be "trans-generational" in nature, (5) their criminal activity always involves the abuse of children. Whether motivated by religious belief, sexual desire, or power, cults function to provide access to children and protection from criminal prosecution. In essence, they are organized groups of adults who use ritual, drugs, and sophisticated mind control techniques in the perpetuation of very sadistic physical and sexual abuse on children. However, "it is the use of mind control techniques to program, dominate, and indoctrinate victims which most distinguishes ritual abuse from other forms of child abuse," even those which might otherwise be considered sadistic in nature.
It is important to note that organized cults often fund themselves by engaging in a wide rage of criminal activity that may or may not be connected to their abuse of children. For example, in a study of ritual abuse conducted by the University of Colorado at Boulder, 70% of the survivors surveyed related being forced to participate in child pornography. An additional 58% were used in child prostitution, while 9% were used in the trafficking of drugs. (6) Other money-making activities by cults have included insurance and computer fraud, the trafficking of children and weapons, and the use of blackmail.
While members of some cults may have been criminally prosecuted for their involvement in some form of criminal activity, their connection to ritual child abuse has rarely been exposed. Because of their tight-knit structure and the inability of law enforcement to infiltrate their ranks, these groups have operated for centuries with virtual impunity. It is only within the last two and a half decades that information concerning these groups has become public. This is largely due to the fact that survivors, feeling more optimistic about society’s response to their disclosures, have come forward in greater numbers.
In spite of continuing disbelief, allegations of ritual abuse continue to be reported by children and assaults in every state in this country, as well as other countries across the globe. Despite differences in the locations and ages of victims, the information revealed is strikingly similar and the experiences related parallel one another. If we are to continue to deny the existence of ritual abuse in light of these disclosures, then we must believe in an international conspiracy between alleged victims who are strangers to one another.
Over the past twelve years, there have been hundreds of day care cases across the United States which involved allegations of ritual child abuse. In fact, the discovery and successful prosecution of a number of these cases has done much to expose cult activity and increase our awareness. While day care cases may ultimately be the "Achilles’ heel" of organized cults who desire to expand their power and influence, there is nonetheless tremendous reluctance on the part of most victims to come forward. This is primarily due to the response of the media and the general public.
Along with the very real fear of reprisal or death associated with the disclosure, adult survivors of ritual abuse who come forward face not only a climate of disbelief, but a lack of support services as well. Having endured the unspeakable horrors of ritual abuse, they fact further victimization by an entire system in denial. (7) Sadly, they most need the services and support which our system purports to offer.
We face a serious challenge: How can we possibly help the children who come forward if we are reluctant to believe the adults who disclose? To the average person, ritual abuse is such an extreme and brutal form of abuse that it is difficult, if not impossible, to believe. Because the human psyche does not want to believe that such abuse is possible, the mind will be drawn to every reason supporting its denial.
Denial prevents us from providing meaningful help to thousands of victims, the most vulnerable of whom are children. Thus, in order to address this problem at all levels within the system, we much move beyond denial by trying to understand the dynamics of ritual child abuse. (8) For most of us, this requires a major paradigm shift. The following section discusses several myths associated with ritual child abuse, and the realities underlying this phenomenon.
MYTHS AND REALITIES CONCERNING RITUAL CHILD ABUSE
MYTH 1: The activities and the abuse described by alleged victims and survivors are too horrendous to be believed. Humanity, in general, is incapable of such organized atrocities.
REALITY: Unfortunately, accounts of child mutilation, infanticide, cannibalism, and the use of blood, feces and urine in ritual ceremonies dates back hundreds of years and can be found in a number of early pagan cultures. (9) The spread of Christianity, Judaism, and other religions into northern Europe did not eliminate there ritual traditions. Many groups continued to practice their earlier beliefs underground, sometimes combing elements to the old and the new. (10) Furthermore, modern history is replete with examples of man’s inhumanity to man, both individually and at an organized level. The Holocaust is a prime example of the execution, brutal torture and treatment of millions of innocent people in the name of ideology and belief. The military and civilian offices who carried out Hitler’s directives could be compared to modern day cult members who must also lead "Jekyll and Hyde" existences. Also, like organized cults, the success of Hitler’s plan was dependent upon absolute secrecy and the ingenious use of controlled propaganda and programming.
MYTH 2: If ritual abuse truly existed, then children and adults exposed to such abuse would come forward and expose the activities of the cult rather than continue to be victimized.
REALITY: Most victims and participants in organized cults are either born into them or recruited at a very young age. In either case, programming and brainwashing begins very early, sometimes even in utero. Programming in systematic and brutal, and is directly at every level or the individual’s awareness, physical, emotional, mental, and spiritual. The use of terror in conjunction with very sophisticated techniques effectively robs the individual of his/her will. The choice of "allegiance to the cult" or "death to self or others" is the number one reality to any cult member or victim and serves as the biggest deterrent to disclosure. Survivors who seek therapeutic help, as well as non-participating individuals who have discovered the involvement of a spouse or other family member, are often mislabeled or misdiagnosed as "hysterical," "paranoid," "histrionic," In fact, their hysteria is based upon a very real danger to themselves and to others.
MYTH #3: No one could possibly live this type of existence day in and day out without disclosing or being discovered.
REALITY: Virtually every individual who survives cult victimization and indoctrination develops an ability to dissociate. Dissociation is the ability to separate oneself from one’s thoughts, feelings, and actions during an overwhelming traumatic or even life-threatening event or experience, (11) This process produces changes in memory, and allows the individual to function as if the trauma had not occurred. In effect, it is the psyche’s way of surviving an otherwise impossible situation while preserving some area of healthy functioning. Repeated dissociation may ultimately result in the development of Multiple Personality Disorder (MPD). With MPD, the birth personality (that identity which was to existence period to the trauma) retreats during the dissociative process and a series of separate, fragmented "personalities" develop to take on specific functions in the outside world. These distinct personalities are usually referred to as "alters" or "components." They can be called into action by the individual, or triggered through programmed response by the cult. (12) Because of the function they serve within the individual’s psyche, most alters are not co-conscious with one another and therefore operate independently within the personality system. (13) Dissociation and MPD are conditions which permit victims of ritual abuse and other severe trauma to function in a contradictory or "Jekyll and Hyde" manner -- exhibiting more "normal" personalities by day, and "ritual" personalities by night. It is impossible to understand ritual abuse without comprehending the roles that dissociation and MPD play in the process. (14) For example, females are often programmed in be "amnesic" about their cult involvement during their child-bearing years, ensuring the cult regular access to any offspring for early indoctrination. (15) Thus, the development of dissociation and MPD are "an intended result" of ritual abuse and are induced through the use of sophisticated mind control techniques involving overwhelming pain, torture, and terror. "Consequently, recognition and proper diagnosis of these conditions by a professional experienced in the treatment of MPD and dissociative disorders is essential." Otherwise, successful investigation and treatment cannot be undertaken.
MYTH 4: If there is no physical or tangible evidence of ritual abuse to support an allegation, then the abuse will not occur.
REALITY: Unfortunately, there will rarely be physical evidence to substantiate allegations of abuse involving trans-generational cults. Unlike criminal investigation involving dabblers and self-styled cultists which might produce ritual paraphernalia or even mutilated victims, trans-generational cults are highly organized and extremely secretive concerning their activities. Ritual sites and ceremonial implements are carefully guarded before, during, and after ritual ceremonies. Since the successful operation of the cult is dependent upon absolute secrecy, thorough and systematic disposal of any and all evidence is routine. It is also often difficult to obtain conclusive medical evidence supportive of a child’s allegations of ritual physical and sexual abuse. (16) Most cults use very sophisticated abuse, torture, and mind control techniques which are difficult to detect. For example, during the abuse and programming of children, cults may use the following: electro-shock; pins and needles which are inserted under the fingernails or into sexual or other orifices of the body; knife cuts and burns into the scalp, onto the soles of the feet, or in the creases of the skin,; as well as injuries designed to be explainable by otherwise acceptable means. [Editor’s Note: This is obviously how the cults get away with most of their torture, even sexual torture, the physical abuse looks accidental OR can be excused as some sort of normal, aging process.] While evidence of sexual abuse may be more apparent with the use of a colposcope (i.e. repeated multiple perpetrator abuse is more likely to leave scarring in the vaginal and anal areas in children), most cults have physicians who treat and effectively cover up evidence of abuse. In addition, it is important to understand that cults prime infants early on for sexual penetration using special instruments designed to stretch the vagina and anus in a gradual, non-traumatic manner. [Editor’s Note: Sexual abuse is therefore, not easily detected by the untrained eye.] It is critical to remember that children who are victims of ritual abuse rarely disclose such abuse until they are far removed from their abusers, both in space and in time. In fact, it is common for children not to reveal the ritual aspects of their abuse until they have been removed from their home for a substantial period of time following more limited allegations of abuse. Such delays further reduce the likelihood of obtaining conclusive medical evidence by way of sexual abuse examination or drug screen. Unfortunately, those uneducated regarding the dynamics of ritual abuse refuse to believe some children as a result of the extreme delay in disclosure and lack of independent medical evidence. Thus, it is important to be aware that children subjected to the degree of pain and torture commonly used by perpetrators or ritual abuse are terrorizing into silence and have a great deal of difficulty relating their abuse.
MYTH 5: If ritual abuse were a reality, then we would find the remains of victims or at least have a record of their existence and disappearance.
REALITY: Organized cults have their own unique methods and systems for disposing of bodies and/or body parts. Many cults either own or have access to a crematorium, and are assisted by cult physicians and/or coroners who cover up the cause of death or their victims. Less sophisticated methods for body disposal which have been used effectively are lime or acid pits, as well as tree shredders. (17) In many cults, members must pledge ultimate allegiance to the cult by offering up their first-born child for sacrifice. This usually occurs during early adolescence, when the young female is impregnated by a cult member during an important ritual. Early labor is often induced by saline injection (e.g. at six months gestation) and the fetus is then offered in a dedication ceremony. Because of the size of the fetus at delivery, pregnancy is rarely suspected by the outside world. Commonly, infant victims who are to be used in sacrificial rites are routinely provided by "breeders" within the cults themselves. As with the first-born babies of cult members, there is never any record of these children’s existence, much less their deaths. Other victims used by cults are the result of baby trafficking, kidnapping, and the seduction of unsuspecting runaway’s and vagrants.
MYTH 6: It is inconceivable that teachers, ministers, doctors, lawyers, judges, policeman, sheriffs, pharmacists, undertakers, etc., would become involved in such cults.
REALITY: It is true that, as a general rule, members of these professions have no inclination to join cults. Occasionally, however, cults do recruit such individuals through the use of deceptive methods and blackmail. For example, cult members might actively engage an individual they feel would be receptive to illegal activity (i.e. drugs, child pornography, group sex, etc.). After enticing him/her to participate in that activity, they would surreptitiously videotape the event. At that point, the public official or professional would be at the mercy of the cult and could be called upon at any time, as needed. The most important thing to remember, however, is that children born into trans-generational cult families are primed and groomed to enter certain professions which are critical to the networking and protection of the cult. Therefore, the professions listed above are among those highly pursued by cult members. The greater the number of prominent members of the community in a cult, the less likely that the cult will ever be discovered; or if discovered, that there will be a successful prosecution.
MYTH 7: If highly organized trans-generational cults have been in existence for hundreds of years, then surely they would have been infiltrated or penetrated by now.
REALITY: The very nature and structure of ritualistic cults prohibit their infiltration. In order for a law enforcement officer or investigator to penetrate a cult, he/she must first earn the trust of group members by engaging in illegal and offensive activity which would include the drinking of blood and urine, the eating of feces, and participation in animal sacrifice at a minimum. Only after repeated tests and trials involving the individual would he/she be permitted to participate in more intimate and heinous rites involving child sexual abuse, mutilation, and sacrifice. The secret of cults has been kept for a very long time and the majority of activities which have been exposed only involved criminal acts related to money-making endeavors. These have included trafficking of children, weapons, narcotics, child pornography, and other crimes such as insurance and computer fraud. The bottomless pit of financial resources to which cults have access also makes them less vulnerable to attack.
MYTH 8: Therapists and other adults are putting these outrageous ideas in the minds of children and making them believe that they have actually experienced these abuses.
REALITY: Unfortunately, the focus of the media following the reports of ritual abuse in day care centers across this country has been to question the veracity and integrity of not only the child victims, but the parents and professionals who are working to protect the children as well. Children who are abused in day care settings react in the same manner as children who have been terrorized into silence as members of trans-generational cults. When a concerned parent or therapist who is dealing with the emotional and psychological aftermath manages to make the child feel safe enough to make a disclosure, the system responds for discounting the allegations on the basis that the disclosure was not made at the onset of the therapeutic process. It is critical to understand that the terror and intimidation used by ritual abuse perpetrators "is designed to be so severe that the children involved will not disclose their victimizations to anyone." Extreme delay in disclosure is the "norm" in cases of ritual abuse, and should never be used to discredit a child’s allegations. As has been very aptly stated by Dr. Catherine Gould, a national expert in the area of ritual child abuse, "..you can abuse a hundred children ritualistically, with all the overlay of terror...and pretty much a hundred children will keep the secret of their abuse until there is some kind of intervention." (18) One cannot buy into the argument that children making these allegations have been brainwashed into relating false statements without somehow supporting the notion that there is an international conspiracy amongst children, parents, therapists and other professionals, to disseminate similar information for some unknown gain. The fact of the matter is that parallel reports of such abuse are surfacing in Westernized countries all over the world, and they are coming from victims of all ages who have no knowledge of one another. Brainwashing and conspiracy are reality in ritual child abuse cases. However, the culprits are most often members of long-standing, organized cults, not the therapists and other professionals who are struggling to assist the ever-increasing number of victims who choose to come forward.
MYTH 9: If any part of a child’s allegations concerning ritual abuse is obviously false or insupportable, then the abuse did not occur.
REALITY: Cult members are extremely intelligent. They understand the legal and judicial process and carefully design their rituals so that children who might disclose "will be discredited." In addition to the use of various drugs which make children more compliant and distort their perceptions of reality, cults have been known to use the following techniques quite effectively:
a. Confinement and isolation, as an effective method of psychologically conditioning, is commonly used by ritual abuse perpetrators. Children often report having been put in a closet or cage with a lion. In reality, these children might have been placed with a large lion-like dog, or human dressed in a lion costume. When this experience is combined with the use of sound effects and hallucinogens, the experience seems very real to the child. This deception method ensures absolute terror and compliance, while at the same time, discrediting the child should there be subsequent disclosures.
b. Children frequently report having been taken by train, boat, submarine or airplane to a specific location to participate in ritual activity. Often they are blindfolded and only told the name of the location after they have arrived. In reality, such transportation may only have been simulated, and a false location given. Or the child may, in fact, have been in a plane which flew in a circle for 20 minutes, with the ultimate destination falsified. In either case, facts are distorted to discredit late disclosures.
c. The use of cartoon characters and hero figures in costume is frequently reported, and is especially effective with very young victims. Children who disclose abuse in these settings are assumed to be dealing with nightmares at a fantasy level.
d. Trans-generational cults have their own additional protective techniques. For example, many of the perpetrators attending a given ritual may, in fact, be prominent members of their community. To deliberately confuse child victims, cult members may introduce other adults who are falsely identified as other well-known public figures. If and when a subsequent disclosure occurs, the innocent "perpetrators" who are named come forward with concrete alibis and are unwittingly used by the cult to discredit any investigation.
MYTH 10: All ritual abuse is Satanic in nature, and all Satanists engage in ritual abuse.
REALITY: While a majority of ritual abuse cases which have been reported by child victims as adult survivors do involve elements normally associated with the worship of Satan, many cases do not. Of those that do, it is unclear how many profess a genuine belief in Satan, and how many profess a genuine belief in Satan, and how many merely used these ritual rites and paraphernalia for their dramatic effect. [Editor’s Note: The difference between Satanic and sadistic ritual abuse is wide. Satanic abuse involves the use of secretive and intentional symbolism along with physical and emotional terroristic assaults, whereas sadism may not include the ritual aspects and may focus more upon emotional terror, not physical - sexual assault. Most professionals judge satanic abuse as the most extreme sort of ritual abuse.] Religious Satanists, both as individuals and as a group, are constitutionally protected in their right to practice their spiritual beliefs. In this country, there are dozens of Satanic churches and organizations which are legally incorporated and formally recognized. These groups claim no involvement in the criminal activity and child abuse which are characteristic of ritual abuse. [Editor’s Note: Of course not, one would not expect any group to be public regarding the criminal acts it engages in...]
MYTH 11: Satanism, witchcraft, the New Age Movement, secret brotherhood societies such as the Masons, are all engaged in ritual abuse and cult activity.
REALITY: Organized cults have been known to function and operate out of any group structure which is convenient for their activities. E.g. because Masons belong to fraternal society which practices secret ritual and which extends membership by invitation, some cults have successfully used them as a cover for their activity. However, few Masons, New Age philosophers, or self-proclaimed witches have any real connection to organized cults and ritual abuse. In fact, the majority of adult survivors of ritual abuse report victimization by cults which were operated out of well-established "mainstream" churches in their communities.
CONCLUSION
Because the dynamics of ritualistic child abuse differ significantly form the dynamics of "ordinary" child abuse, we must understand who these differences should alert out handling of such cases within the legal system. First of all, we must be aware that while consistency in a child’s disclosure of abuse is usually a good indicator of veracity, inconsistency regarding accounts of abuse may be more common in -- and consistent with -- ritualistic child abuse. This is due to the mind control component which is unique to ritual abuse, and the impact of dissociation and multiple personality disorder on disclosure.
Furthermore, while children may report some form of victimization during initial interviews of suspected abuse, the ritual aspects of their abuse may never be disclosed. When children do disclose ritual abuse, the extreme delay in disclosure, coupled with perceived "discrepancies" from original accounts, often results in system disbelief and a failure to further investigate and prosecute additional allegations. Practitioners also need to be aware that medical and physical evidence substantiating ritual child abuse is difficult to obtain, especially in view of the extreme delay in disclosure. While it may be appropriate to request that toxicology tests and a sexual abuse examination be conducted on a child, receipt of negative or non-conclusive results does not negate the child’s allegations. (19) Nor does the fact that some of the specifics of a child’s allegations can be disproved. (See "Myth 4" and "Myth 9" above.) It is thus critical to seek the assistance of professionals with experience in ritual abuse who might shed light on the child’s allegations.
Finally, once an investigation concerning ritual child abuse has commenced, the advocate should not be surprised if prosecution of the charges does not occur. In addition to system denial and evidentiary considerations, "interested" individuals who may be well-placed in the system can and should be expected to intervene. ("Myth 6").
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AUTHOR: Sylvia Lynn Gillotte is Chairman of the Resource Manual Project, Office of the Governor, Guardian Ad Litem Program, Spartanburg, South Carolina. This article was reprinted by permission of the author from "Representing Children in Family Court: A Resource Manual for Attorneys and Guardians Ad Litem, a publication of the South Carolina Bar." Copyright 1993, 1995. The author retains all rights related to this material. Further information about reproduction of this article should be directed to the author through the South Carolina Bar, Continuing Legal Education Division, POB 608, Columbia, South Carolina 29202.
ENDNOTES:
1. For an excellent discussion of historical accounts of ritual child abuse in Europe, see "Believe the Children Newsletter," Vol. IX (1992).
2. Civia Tamatkin, a well-know freelance journalist, has advocated strongly for a modification of out lexicon as it related to ritual (or ritualistic) abuse. Her argument is that the use of the term "ritual" tends to minimize the more commonly recognized elements of the "Sadistic" abuse, and results in a failure on the part of the media, our legal system, and the public to appreciate and address the real problem: the sadistic abuse and exploitation of children by organized perpetrator groups. Furthermore, the term "ritual" usually had a connotation which implies that this activity is religiously related and/or motivated. This is often not the case.
3. The Task Force Report is an excellent reference for virtually any professional who works with children.
4. I make a distinction between "organized cult" and "organized crime," which while also engaged in highly organized and secretive criminal activity, does not have the additional elements of "ritual symbology" and sophisticated "mind control programming."
5. The terms "trans-generational" or "multi-generational" are often used to describe groups who participate in this activity and whose beliefs and practices are passed on, generation after generation. In such groups, the indoctrination of young children begins very early and is critical to the perpetuation of ritual practices which can date back hundreds of years.
6. The results of this study are further discussed in Volume IX of "Believe the Children Newsletter"(1991).
7. The Appendix ("Professional Articles") contains two articles by ritual abuse survivors. Their accounts will help you to understand the psychology devastation these victim’s endure.
8. For an excellent discussion of this issue, see Catherine Gould’s article entitled, "Denying the Ritual Abuse of Children" in the Appendix ("Professional Articles").
9. See "Believe the Children Newsletter," Vol. IX (1992), in the Appendix ("Professional Articles").
10. Many people are not aware of the fact that dates for several Christian holidays are based upon early pagan ceremonial dates. For example, Easter is always scheduled for the first Sunday after the full moon in April. Such scheduling originated as a compromise between early Christian leaders and the conquered pagans of northern Europe.
11. Dissociation is a common response to the trauma of child abuse and is not limited to ritual abuse. When a child is dissociative, he/she exhibits certain behaviors which are identifiable. Beverly James discussed these behaviors in "The Dissociatively Disordered Child." See Appendix, "Professional Articles."
12. For an excellent discussion on cult programming, see "Common Programs Observed in Survivors of Satanic Abuse," by David Neswald (Appendix, "Professional Articles").
13. The South Carolina Supreme Court demonstrated a remarkable grasp of MPD in its decision of "Rutherford v. Rutherford," 307 S.C. 199, 414 S.E. 2d 157 (1992). In "Rutherford," the court ruled that a wife’s adultery, committed while under the mental illness of MPD, may not be grounds for divorce if the party can clearly show the adulterous personality functioning at the time did not know she was committing adultery.
14. See Dale McCulley’s article entitled, "Satanic Ritual Abuse: A Question of Memory." (Appendix, "Professional Articles.")
15. Very often, mothers whose children spontaneously disclose ritual abuse by other family members are initially shocked and surprised by the disclosure. However, as time passes, the experience may cause what is sometimes referred to as "bleed-through-memory": that is, they begin to remember the incidences as involving their own cult victimizations and participation. These women are sometimes hesitant to report or admit their prior involvement for fear of losing custody of the very children they are attempting to protect. It is important to remember that these women may need additional therapy and support themselves.
16. This is likewise true in your average child sexual abuse or molestation case. (See evidence section of manual for D. Bakers’ discussion of medical studies confirming this fact.)
17. My contact with survivors in South Carolina and other states in the South reveals that alligators are commonly used as a means of disposal of these areas.
18. Remarks form a "Professional Overview" video produced by Cavalcade Productions, Ukiah, California. The point here is that even children who come from families where they have presumably experienced a great deal of love and nurturing can be terrorized into complete silence by such abuse. Since it appears that children who are ritually abused and programmed between the ages of birth and six are at highest risk of developing complex levels of dissociation and MPD, and implications to families and children who survive such an experience are enormous.
19. It may be more effective to request sexual abuse examinations or toxicology tests on children who have not yet disclosed ritualistic abuse, but whose behavior indicate cause for concern. Toxicology testing such as hair sampling is neither invasive nor traumatic. Furthermore, hair retains toxicological traces for an extended period of time depending upon frequency of use.
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Ritualistic Child Abuse, Definitions, Typology and Prevalence
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Anonymous. 1993. Believe the Children Newsletter. Volume X, Fall.
(two pages)
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Ritual child abuse is a complex victimization issue that has become the subject of considerable controversy and debate. Even among professionals who believe ritual child abuse occurs, there are differences of opinion as to how the problem should be defined. For purposes of consistency, the term "ritual child abuse" will be used throughout this article rather than "ritualized" or ritualistic" child abuse. Some experts prefer use of the adjective "ritual" because it emphasizes abuse occurring in the context of specific rituals, whereas "ritualistic" implies that the abuse is "ritual-like."
The term "ritual child abuse" has been inconsistently applied to child sex-rings involving multiple victims, and to a variety of circumstances, such as 1) bizarre or sadistic acts of sexual, physical or emotional abuse inflicted upon a child of children, 2) sexual, physical and emotional abuse of a child or children committed during religious ceremonies by groups, invoking satanic powers; 3) psychological manipulation of children accompanying sexual, physical and emotional abuse intended to instill a belief in the child of supernatural powers and to involved the child in the abuse of other children or animals; and 4) sexual, physical and emotional abuse of a child or children committed during ceremonies by groups with a non-satanic belief system. (2)
DEFINITIONS
Ritual child abuse was first defined by Lawrence Pazder, M.S., co-author of Michelle Remembers, an adult survivor's account of satanic crimes alleged to have occurred in Victoria, British Columbia, in the 1950s. At a professional conference in Richmond, Virginia in 1987, Dr. Pazar defined ritual abuse of children as "repeated physical, emotional, mental, and spiritual assaults combined with a systematic use of symbols and secret ceremonies designed to turn a child against itself, family, society and God." Dr. Pazader noted that "the sexual assault has ritualistic meaning and is not for sexual gratification."(3)
In 1988, David Finkelhor, Ph.D.., defined ritual child abuse as "abuse that occurs in a context linked to some symbols or group activity that have a religious, magical or supernatural connotation, and where the invocation of these symbols or activities are repeated over time and used to frighten and intimidate the children." Dr. Finkelhor and his colleagues at the Family Research Laboratory at the University of New Hampshire conducted a national study of sexual abuse reported in day care centers during the period from January, 1983 through December, 1985. Of the 270 day care abuse cases examined, 13% involved allegations of ritual child abuse. (4)
The same year Susan J. Kelley, R.N., Ph.D., of the Boston College School of Nursing, published results of a national study of ritual child abuse in day care settings. The purpose of Dr. Kelley’s study was to examine the stress responses of children who had been sexually and ritually abused in day care settings. Dr. Kelley defined ritual child abuse as "repetitive and systematic sexual, physical and psychological abuse of children by adults as apart of cult or satanic worship."
In 1989, the Ritual Abuse Task Force of the Los Angeles Country Commission for Women issued a report defining ritual child abuse as "a brutal form of abuse of children adolescents, and adults, consisting of physical, sexual and psychological abuse, and involving the use of symbols." The report stressed that a belief in satanism is not always a motivating factor. (6) A University of Colorado survey of 33 adult survivors found that some groups involved in ritual child abuse seemed oriented toward a Neo-Nazi white supremacy movement or perversion of Christianity not intended to be satanic. (7)
A definition presented by Barbara Snow, D.S.W., M.S.W., and Tenna K. Sorenson, R.N., M.A., in a clinical article published in 1990 also avoids any reference to satanism, defining ritual child abuse as "repetitive, bizarre sexual, physical and psychological abuse of children that includes supernatural and/or religious activities." (8)
More recently, David W. Lloyd, J.D., Director of the National Center on Child Abuse and Neglect, proposed a definition that focuses on the acts committed and the harm to the child rather than on the motivation of the perpetrator(s) or religious aspects: "the intentional physical abuse, sexual abuse or psychological abuse of a child by a person responsible for the child’s welfare when such abuse is repeated and/or stylized and is typified by such other acts as cruelty to animals, or threats of harm to the child, other person and animals." Lloyd makes a distinction between "ritual child abuse" which may perpetrated by one psychotic or sadistic individual and "cult" or "group" ritual child abuse which involves abuse by a group of adults organized for purposes of involving children in frightening rituals. (9)
Some experts prefer the use of the term "sadistic child abuse." Jean Goodwin, M.D., a psychiatrists who has treated survivors, has compared the disclosures of victims to the sexual perversions detailed in the memoirs of the infamous 18th-century sex offender, the Marquis de Sade. The term "sadism" was first used by Kraft-Ebing, a colleague of Freud’s, to describe sexual and physical violence. Goodwin advocates for use of the term "sadistic child abuse" because use of the term "ritual child abuse" implies a religious motive which may not always be a factor. Instead of being a new term, the use of "sadistic child abuse" grounds the issue of child torture in a historically documented framework. Rather than focusing on the controversial issues of satanism and violent rituals, using the term sadistic child abuse" 1) focuses on behaviors rather than motives, 2) recognizes various motives, including sexual gratification, and 3) acknowledges the variety of settings in which sadistic acts occur and encourages professionals to share data from various areas in order to further the clinical understand of victims and perpetrators. (10) Other authors have used the terms "organized abuse" or systematic abuse" to refer to the same phenomenon.
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TYPOLOGY
David Finkelhor, Ph.D. has categorized ritual child abuse into there sub-types.
Type 1: True cult-based ritual abuse
Sexual abuse is motivated by an expression of the group's belief system or ideology into which the victim is being indoctrinated. For example, sexual abuse committed in the context of satanic rituals belongs in this category.
Type II: Pseudo-ritual abuse
Sexual gratification of the perpetrator(s) is the primary motive. Frightening rituals are introduced to intimidate the victims and prevent disclosure of the sexual abuse. For example, adult members of a child pornography or child prostitution ring may not adhere to a shared belief system by may subject child victims to rituals to control and terrorize them.
Type III: Psychopathological ritualism
Sexual abuse is perpetrated by a mentally unstable adult acting out obsessive or delusional sexual compulsions. For example, the sadistic abuse of a child by an adult caretaker, such as that described in the book, Sibly, would fall into this category. (12)
Kathleen Coulborn Faller, M.S.W., Ph.D., of the University of Michigan, divides child sexual abuse into the following sub-categories: 1) sadistic sexual abuse, 2) ritual sexual abuse, 3) cultic sexual abuse, and 4) satanic sexual abuse. Dr. Faller defines cultic sexual abuse as "child sexual abuse as part of a rite within a religious or quasi-religious." As Dr. Faller's graph illustrates, satanic sexual abuse is a bus-category of cultic sexual abuse, which is not necessarily influenced by a belief in satanism. (13)
PREVALENCE
It is impossible to estimate the number of ritual abuse cases that are occurring in the United States. Because of the extreme fear and shame instilled in the victims of ritual crimes, one can assume that many cases are never reported. Of the reported cases, many are not documented as ritual child abuse cases but are investigated and prosecuted as sexual molestation cases. Prosecutors are often reluctant to bring the ritualistic aspects of the crime into the courtroom, fearing that the bizarre nature of the allegations will be used to discredit the child victims. To date, a system of tracking and documenting ritual crimes has not been implemented, making it difficult to assess the number of cases being reported. (14)
In a sample of 500 child sexual abuse cases reviewed by Dr. Kathleen Coulborn Faller, 55 involved ritual abuse allegations, identified as ritual child abuse allegations. Of the 55 cases identified as ritual abuse cases, 11 were categorized as pseudo-ritual abuse involving threats, group sex, drugs, and consumption of urine and feces. Ten cases involved private rituals committed by an adult for sadistic or psychopathological reasons. Organized or group rituals were documented in 32 of the 55 ritual child abuse cases. Four cases were described as polyincestuous, occurring within the "chaperoned" children into situations where ritual abuse occurred, condoning or participating in the abuse. Twenty cases were described as extrafamilial with 19 cases alleged to have occurred in day care settings and one within a Boy Scout troop.(15)
In 1991, Bette L. Bottoms, Ph.D., presented results of a nationwide study to determine the prevalence and characteristics of child abuse cases involving satanic, occult or ritualistic elements. Dr. Bottoms and a team of researchers at the State University of New York at Buffalo conducted a random sampling of 6,000 members of the American Psychological Association. Of the 6,000 clinicians surveyed, half were child clinical psychologist and half were general clinical, counseling and school psychologists. The therapists were asked to indicate the number of ritual child abuse cases encountered since January 1, 1980. Seventy percent of the respondents had never encountered a case involving allegations of ritual child abuse, thirty percent reported having seen at least one case of ritual child abuse or religion-related abuse. Cases of religion-related abuse were described as abuse that occurred in religious settings, such as church affiliated day care centers, abuse committed in which the perpetrator used his or her religious position to gain access to the victim, and cases in which children were denied proper medical care or were physically abused to drive out evil spirits.
Of the respondents who indicated having encountered ritual abuse or religion-related abuse, 60% were classified as religion-related and 40% as ritual child abuse. The majority of ritual abuse cases involved child clients (58%) as opposed to adult survivors (42%). Most of the therapists believed their clients: ninety-three percent of the psychologists believed the alleged harm was actually committed. The same number believed the trauma their clients experienced was genuine, but 40% though some ritual acts may have been simulated to confuse or frighten the child victims.
A social service investigation was conducted in 42% of the ritual abuse cases. In 30% of the ritual abuse cases a police investigation took place. Eleven percent of the ritual abuse cases involving child clients resulted in the conviction of an offender, but the crime for which the perpetrator was convicted was not necessarily an offense confirming the ritual abuse allegations. (16)
SUMMARY
Ritual child abuse is a newly identified form of child maltreatment. Anecdotal evidence suggests that ritual crimes against children have been committed in secrecy for many years, but professionals have only begun to identify, define, and assess the scope of the problem within the decade since 1983. Definitions of ritual child abuse have evolved from initial attempts to understand the motivations of perpetrators to a focus on specific acts of abuse rather than on belief systems. Child abuse professionals need to reach a consensus on how ritual child abuse is to be defined, classified and addressed, taking into account whether or not broadening or narrowing the definition will best serve the needs of victims. A system of tracking and documenting ritual crimes needs to be implemented at a federal level to better assess the prevalence or ritual child abuse and to make appropriate recommendations for prevention, intervention, investigation, prosecution and treatment of offenders and victims.
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ENDNOTES
1. Young, Walter C., Sachs, Roberta G., Braun, Bennett G., and Walkins, Ruth T. 1991. "Patients Reporting Ritual Abuse in Childhood: A Clinical Syndrome. Report of 37 Cases." Child Abuse and Neglect, Vol. 15, pp. 181-189.
2. Lloyd, David W. 1992. "Ritual Child Abuse: Definitions and Assumptions." Journal of Child Sexual Abuse, Vol. 1, No. 3, pp. 1-14.
3. Lanning, Kenneth V. 1992. "A Law Enforcement Perspective on Allegations of Ritual Abuse." In Out of Darkness: Exploring Satanism and Ritual Abuse. (David K. Dakheim and Susan E. Devine. NY, NY: Lexington Books, p. 115).
4. Finkelhor, David, Williams, Linda M. and Burns, Nanci. 1988. Sexual Abuse in Day Care: A National Study. Durham, NJ: University of New Hampshire.
5. Kelley, Susan J. 1988. "Ritualistic Abuse of Children: Dynamics and Impact," Cultic Studies Journal, Vol. 5, No. 2, pp. 228-236.
6. Report of the Ritual Abuse Task Force. 1989. Los Angeles County Commission for Women.
7. Cook, Caren. 1991. Understanding Ritual Abuse: A Study of Thirty-Three Ritual Abuse Survivors From Thirteen Different States. Boulder, CO: University of Colorado.
8. Snow, Barbara and Sorensen, Teena. 1990. "Ritualistic Child Abuse in a Neighborhood Setting."
9. Lloyd, op.cit.
10. Goodwin, Jean M. 1991. "human Victors of Trauma: Illustrations from the Marquis de Sade." New Orleans, LA: Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Academy of Psychoanalysis.
11. Murray, Nicholas. 1993. "Children: Organized Abuse. A strategy of Cooperation." Community Care, May 13, pp. 15-17.
12, Finkelhor, op. cit.
13. Faller, Kathleen Coulborn. 1990. "Sexual Abuse of Children in Cults: A Clinical Perspective." Roundtable, Spring issue, pp. 11 - 13.
14. Kelley, op. cit.
15. Think Tank Report: Investigation of Ritualistic Abuse Allegations. 1989. The National Resource Center on Child Sexual Abuse.
16. Bottoms, Bette L, Shaver, Phillip R. and Goodman, Gail S. 1991. "Profile of Ritualistic and Religion-related Abuse Allegations Reported to Clinical Psychologists in the United States." San Francisco, CA: Paper presented at the Ninety-ninth Annual Convention of the American Psychological Association.
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